The fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime and the rise of President Ahmad al-Shar’a has opened a new chapter for Syria — marked by opportunity, but also fragility. While political change has taken place in form, enduring stability — particularly in the realm of security — remains elusive.
The facts on the ground speak for themselves.
Vast swaths of territory lie outside central control. Armed groups operate with impunity. Foreign powers continue to assert their influence. In this environment, national security is not a long-term objective — it is an immediate and existential imperative.
But let us be clear: lasting peace cannot be imposed through force alone. Stability will not emerge from coercion or authoritarian consolidation. It must be built through inclusive political processes that address the root causes of conflict and the wounds of societal division.
At present, Syria remains deeply fragmented. Competing zones of control — in the northwest, northeast, and south — operate under divergent systems of governance, law enforcement, and justice.
In many areas, local populations live under the constant threat of violence, extortion, and arbitrary authority. The absence of a unified national framework has left citizens without safety, institutions without legitimacy, and the state without sovereignty.
Moreover, external actors — including Turkey, Iran, Russia, and the United States — continue to shape the security and political landscape. Syria has become a theater for geopolitical competition rather than a sovereign, self-determined nation. Any serious effort to rebuild national security must first begin with reclaiming Syrian agency through a political settlement.
In this context, one truth must be acknowledged without hesitation: the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) are not a peripheral actor. They are central to any viable future for Syria. The SDF has demonstrated operational effectiveness, civilian protection capabilities, and a sustained commitment to the fight against ISIS. They have established functioning local governance structures that, while imperfect, have brought relative stability to territories once overwhelmed by chaos.
To ignore or marginalize the SDF is not only unjust — it is strategically counterproductive. Doing so would deepen national divisions and undermine prospects for unity.
President Ahmad al-Shar’a now faces a defining responsibility: to engage with the SDF and the Autonomous Administration in northeastern Syria. This engagement must not be framed as a campaign of dominance or dismantlement, but rather as a partnership in constructing a united and sovereign Syria.
A formal political agreement between the Syrian government and the SDF is not merely desirable — it is indispensable to long-term stability. This is not about rewarding one actor, but recognizing the role of a force that sustained part of Syria during its most desperate period.
Such an agreement matters for three core reasons:
1. The SDF is a disciplined, capable security actor with a proven track record of maintaining order and confronting extremist threats.
2. The governance structures in the northeast, though still evolving, have created space for civil society and local participation — a rarity in Syria’s modern history.
3. The SDF and the Autonomous Administration enjoy public trust among many in the region — and that trust is essential to restoring national legitimacy.
If implemented seriously, such an agreement could include: integrating qualified SDF personnel into a new, inclusive national security architecture; recognizing and adapting local governance models within a unified state structure; and ensuring meaningful representation of the northeast in national institutions and constitutional processes.
This is not a theoretical exercise. It is a concrete path toward rebuilding national cohesion — not through force, but through political courage and shared vision.
Let’s not delude ourselves: there is no such thing as sustainable security without inclusive politics. A government may control streets with arms, but if its people feel alienated, conflict will persist.
The way forward requires a dual-track strategy.
On the ground we must disarm rogue militias, consolidate arms under legitimate authority, and build a national security force representative of Syria’s diversity.
Politically, we must launch a serious national dialogue, inclusive of all credible actors, and begin constitutional reform anchored in rights, pluralism, and democratic principles.
The task before us is not just to reassert state control — it is to rebuild trust. And that trust will not be restored through repression. It will be earned through honest dialogue, bold leadership, and a commitment to shared governance.
The SDF is not the obstacle. They are part of the answer.